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western sahara for autonomy

25 mai 2009

WHY THE TRUE FACTS MATTER

                       WHY THE TRUE FACTS MATTER

                                  An answer by Moulay Ahmed Maalainin    

                                             Journalist/ researcher 

                    To « Why the facts matter » a response by the Saharawi

                                      Journalists and writers

Union

                    To “Why the

Maghreb

matters” a policy report by the

                              Potomac Institute and John Hopkins

                                        University

SAIS

INTRODUCTION :

On the 31st of March 2009, the Potomac institute for policy studies and the conflict management program the Johns Hopkins University (SAIS) has published a 15 page report entitled: “Why the Maghreb Matters: threats, opportunities, and Options for Effective American Engagement in North Africa”, the introduction of such report reflects the importance of the Maghreb region to the United States of America. The first paragraph of the introduction points out the main concern of the Americans, and their priorities: “The Maghreb matters to the United states for reasons ranging from its strategic geographic position on the Mediterranean and at the western end of the Arab-Muslim world, to the threats posed by the increase of terrorism in the region, to the economic opportunities and resources it offers the US. The US needs a policy to promote American interests in the area by treating the five North African states as a region and working to strengthen the economic and security ties among them – and with the US and Europe- and by taking the lead in promoting a resolution to the Western Sahara region conflict based on the proposal of autonomy within Moroccan sovereignty now on the table at the United Nations (UN) and supported by a bipartisan consensus in the US congress.”( see Why The

Maghreb

matters  31 March 2009/Potomac institute for policy studies)

Within few days, and exactly on the 5th of April 2009 the Union of sahraoui journalists and writers responded in a 10 page report entitled “Why the facts Matter” expressing its frustration to the report mentioned above “the Saharawi journalists and writers Union (UPES) would like to express its indignation and frustration with the recent publication of a biased, un-factual, and patronising report entitled “why the Maghreb Matters” (see why the facts matter/The Sahraoui Journalists and writers Union/ 5 April 2009)

Although differences of points of view are perfectly acceptable when it comes to disputes and conflicts, but the fact of the matter is that defending the thesis of the Polisario front at the expense of the historical reality, and the true facts of the conflict is not acceptable at all , as the aim of this response basically to the 10 page response of the  Union of Sahrawi journalists and writers is to provide the Maghreban /Arab/and international opinion public the truth and the whole truth surrounding the Western Sahara region conflict .

The process of decolonisation of Moroccan territories and the

Western Sahara

issue

  The process of decolonization of Moroccan territories which were occupied by Spain took place through negotiations; in this respect Morocco regained the north zone in April 1956, Tarfaya and Tan Tan in 1958, Sidi Ifni in 1969, and the Western Sahara region in 1975 .It is not by chance that the general assembly resolutions adopted in 1965 and 1968 confirming the right to self-determination refer not only to the inhabitants of Sidi Ifni, but also to those of Western Sahara. In fact the UN recognize two different decolonization problems, that of territories which at the time of colonization had no international juridical status to which the procedure providing for self-determination and independence applies, and other territories constituting an integral part of state, this is clearly the case of Western Sahara as the international court of justice in the Hague expressly recognized that Western Sahara was not a territory without a master but one over which Morocco exercised its sovereignty “ ….. That at the time of colonization of Western Sahara by

Spain

, the Cherifian state had a particular character is certain. The particularity lay in that in hat it was founded on the religious link of Islam which united the populations, and on the allegiance of the various tribes to the sultan through the intermediary of their caids or sheikhs , more than on national territory” ((4) see international court of justice /advisory opinion 16/10/75)   . From the Moroccan point of view regaining Western Sahara in accordance with the treaty of Madrid of 14 November 1975 has marked the end of a continued struggle that lasted over a century .the treaty in question created tension in the northwest of Africa. The Algerians blamed

Morocco

for not recognising that the sahraouis had the right to make their own decisions. What the Algerians did not appear to realize was that the entire Moroccan population, including sahraouis, had been fighting for the return of the Sahara since 1884, when Spain laid claim to the area, and since gaining the incomplete independence in 1956; Morocco had continued the fight for unity and territorial integrity.

The legal ties between Western Sahara region and the

kingdom

of

Morocco

were actually recognized in the treaties which took away Moroccan independence. These treaties are the basis to assess the ties that always existed between Western Sahara region and the

Kingdom

of

Morocco

. To start with, there is the Anglo-Moroccan agreement of 13 march 1895, clause I of which reads as follows:   “If this government buys the building etc…in the place above – named   From the above-named company, no-one will have any claim to the Lands that are between Wadi Draa and cape boujdour, and which are called Tarfaya above-named, and all the lands behind it, because all this belongs to the territory of Morocco”

Great Britain thus recognized that Moroccan territory extended to cape boujdour, including SEGUIA AL HAMRA. Moreover, the letters annexed to the treaty of 4 November 1911 signed between France and Germany, state: “Germany will not intervene in any special agreements which France and Spain may think fit to conclude with each other on the subject of Morocco comprises all the part of northern Africa which is situated between Algeria, French west Africa and the Spanish colony of Rio de Oro   (wadi dahab)”.

The Alaouite dynasty has ruled

Morocco

since the mid-seventeenth century. In pre-colonial times, three of the Alaouite Sultans: Moulay Rachid, Moulay Ismail, and Moulay Hassan, were already pursuing active Saharan policies. In 1905-1906, Sultan Moulay Abdul Aziz sent military support to sheikh Maouelainin to support him in his fight against the French.

Morocco

continued the struggle against its division and occupation at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Moroccan resistance on the central government as well as the popular level, prevented the entire occupation of Western Sahara and the rest of Moroccan territory until the beginning of the last century, when this became unavoidable. However, the fight continued in different forms and finally led to the recognition of

Morocco

’s independence in 1956. The Moroccan Spanish declaration of 7 April 1956 and one signed with France on 2 march of the same year, contained  confirmation of Spain’s desire to “respect territorial unity guaranteed by international treaties” and the commitment to “take all necessary steps to put this into effect” . In the same year the Moroccan army of liberation started organizing guerrillas for an offensive against the Spanish at Ifni, and

Western Sahara

region. In 1957, the Moroccan Liberation army succeeded in pushing the Spanish back to the coast. It was only with the aid of French troops that

Spain

was able to re-establish itself in

Western Sahara

.

After

Morocco

independence late King Mohammed V formally claimed

Western Sahara

as an integral part of the Kingdom. In 1957, he set up the “direction des affaires sahariennes et frontalieres”, and on 25 February 1958 he formally demanded the return of Western Sahara to the motherland

Morocco

. He said in a famous speech in the little oasis town of

M’hamed

on the edge of the Sahara: “we will continue to do everything in our power to recover our

Sahara

and all that which, by historical evidence and by the will of its inhabitants, belongs as of right to our kingdom”

Late King Hassan II’s initiative in organizing a peaceful march to the Sahara, in November 1975 led to the

Madrid

agreement of 14 November 1975, it was in practical terms, the first step towards the process of decolonization of the west Saharan territories.

The green march (Al Massira al khadra in Arabic), could be described as the master stroke which resolved the dispute between

Morocco

and

Spain

.  Plans for the march, which was named after the holy colour of Islam, were first announced by King Hassan II on 16 October 1975.recruting offices were set up throughout morocco, and by 20 of October as many as 524,000 volunteers were said to have registered. The march caught the imagination of the Moroccan people. It was portrayed as a holy march , and its participants were told that they would be armed only with the coran and they should consider themselves as Mujahidin, or holy warriors, in a campaign to reclaim Islamic territory from the Spanish invaders. The marchers numbered 350,000 volunteers and gradually assembled in a vast tent  city  near Tarfaya .It became evident to the Spanish government as much as to western observers of this remarkable mobilization, that King Hassan II would be unable to call off the march or fail in his pledge to send the marchers across the border even if he had wished to do so , he said : “ I can not turn  350, 000 Moroccans who have responded to my call with enthusiasm into 350,000 frustrated Moroccans”.

As soon as

Spain

accepted the reopening of negotiations, on 9 November 1975, late king Hassan II ordered the marchers to return to their homes. On 14 November 1975, an accord was signed in Madrid to crown the negotiations with Spain by Morocco and Mauritania, in accordance with article 33 of the United Nations charter, and resolution 380.The difference of opinion over Western Sahara which, until 1975, divided Morocco and Spain does not therefore date from the time when the United Nations organization took an interest in the issue. It dates back to the period in morocco’s history when, during the nineteenth century, the country was faced with the ambitious appetites of the colonial powers and their desire to divide

Morocco

in order to subjugate it.

King Mohammed VI, immediately after his enthronement in 1999, set forth a development strategy built on social and economic development. Initially, the new young King is seen as a reformer, keen to liberalize the economy, root out corruption and establish the rule of law and democracy. When he was crown prince he was beside his father late king Hassan II in most the national and international activities, and in particular when it comes to the

Western Sahara

region issue. In this respect during summer of

1996 a

delegation of the Polisario front led by Bachir Mustapha Said met the crown prince then Sidi Mohammed, that was in practical terms his first direct and secret meeting with the Polisario delegation in Morocco, the aim of the meeting was about the application of Autonomy principle in western Sahara, in fact the Polisario delegation was to a certain extent in favour of such settlement and also of continuing direct negotiations with the late king Hassan II

The sahraoui Arab Democratic republic

The “SADR” is a contradiction with the request by Polisario front for a referendum on self-determination.  the unilateral proclamation by Polisario of the SADR is a violation to the international law, particularly that the  sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic has no territorial existence, it is set up in Tindouf inside Algeria territories, it has no attribute of sovereignty, and exists only on the territory of a foreign country. As to the recognition of the “SADR” no European country, no Arab and Muslim country apart from

Algeria

recognizes the “SADR”. An imminent figure of the Polisario front Mustapha Bouh ( who went back to Morocco), admitted the following “we must be clear that the diplomatic campaign was a relative failure in the Arab world and in the Middle East, the Polisario and the SADR were very weak, not even Yasser Arafat wanted to have relations with us, nor did China ….. the majority of the capitals that were  to be opening diplomatic relations with SADR were doing under the friendly and insistent pressure of Algeria ( see interview with Mustapha Bouh , 5 august , 2005 with ESISC) .

As to the number of countries which actually still recognized the “ SADR” is 27 countries after the withdrawal of the recognition of at least 52 countries , among others : Angola,  Ghana,  Iran,  Syria,  Peru, Nigeria, India, El Salvador, Kenya   (source:http://www.worldstatesmen.org/western_sahara.html)

Algeria

an Obstructive party to the conflict

One aspect of the present deadlock is basically a result to the Algerian non commitment to its explicit statement, which says that it does not consider itself as part of the conflict. Facts on the ground show unfortunately that

Algeria

is the main and strategic supporter of the non elected and non democratic Polisario.

In his report of 19 February 2002, the former secretary general of the UN Kofi Anan informed the security council on the visit of the Algerian president to Houston on 2 November 2001during which he told the UN secretary general personal envoy James Baker that Algeria and the Polisario are ready to discuss and negotiate the splitting of the territory as a political solution to the dispute over western Sahara. This initiative proves

Algiers

direct involvement in the conflict .In addition,

Algeria

continues under the leadership of Bouteflika to exert a direct control on the refugee camps, particularly by strictly controlling and limiting the movement of sahraoui refugees. Algeria and its president should be held responsible for the non-implementation of the convention on the refugees’ status of 1951, by virtue of which any contracting state, which is Algeria in the case of sahraoui refugees on its soil, gives the refugees living regularly in its territory the right to choose to remain, or to move freely.

In the 28 February 2006 Algeria took part in the festivities of the Polisario for the 30th anniversary of its creation, there is no doubt that Polisario would not organize such a big military parade in Tifariti without the approval of the army approval. For the same occasion Bouteflika seized the opportunity to send a message to the leadership of Polisario where he described

Morocco

being “the colonizer country”.

  When it comes to the recent developments concerning the Moroccan substantial autonomy proposal. The secretary general personal former envoy for Sahara Van Walsum stated (in his press conference at the headquarter of the UN, after presenting his report to the  UN chief) that the Moroccan proposal to grant substantial autonomy to the western Sahara  “was the result of an extended political process of national and international consultations” .As to the role of Algeria in the conflict Mr Walsum recognized the pre-eminent role of Algeria, “Algeria has in this whole dossier (Sahara issue) played an absolutely pre-eminent dominant role ever since1975”  this is the third time that a senior UN official dealing directly with the western Sahara issue that recognized in a diplomatic Worthing to what extent the Algerians are directly involved in the western Sahara dispute ,and even in the decision making on behalf  of the separatist movement called Polisario

During the last decade a number of Algerian politicians, and even former policy makers and military generals have  expressed openly their total disagreement with Boutaflika’s politics towards the future of western Sahara .Anouar Haddam one of the leaders of the Islamic Salvation Front told “ALKHABAR” a daily Algerian newspaper “ Sahraouis would never agree to separate themselves from Morocco” . Louisa Hanoun the general secretary of the Algerian labour party said “the western Sahara issue is an artificial problem” she added “

Morocco

is the only Maghreban country that is facing external plans ton split its territories”.

The former Algerian prime minister Abdelhamid Ibrahimi, insists that the leadership of the army is behind the dispute over western Sahara dispute, in his latest interview with the daily newspaper “ATAJDID” on the 12 December 2006 he said “the autonomy plan was discussed when I was prime minister with president Benjdid, provided that Morocco preserves its sovereignty over its territory, including foreign and defence policies. The agreement was made, and president Benjdid did not refuse”

When it comes to the army leadership it is worth mentioning that the former general and defence minister Khalid Nezar advocates a political solution to the conflict, he said “the settlement of western Sahara conflict should be achieved through the application of such substantial autonomy as proposed by king Mohamed VI”

It seems that although the political leaders and most of the former generals of the Algerian army are explicitly against their president’s policy towards the Sahara, Bouteflika is determined to follow the instructions of the generals with the aim to achieving the strategic goals as seen by the Algerian army intelligence leadership which have nothing to do with the wellbeing of sahraouis

Morocco

’s autonomy plan as a practical solution to the conflict

    On Wednesday, April 11, 2007 the Moroccan government submitted its proposal for a substantial autonomy for the Western Sahara region to the newly nominated secretary general of the United Nations organization, taking the first step, which the international community has called for repeatedly, toward a political direct dialogue with the parties concerned i.e. : Algeria and the Polisario front.

The conflict between the

Kingdom

of

Morocco

, and the Algerian-backed Polisario front, dates back more than three decades. From 1975 until an UN-brokered cease-fire agreement in 1991.

The terms of 1991 cease-fire agreement were not fully met until august 2005, when the Polisario, under pressure from the international community released the over 400Moroccan prisoners of war. During their very long capture the Moroccan POW’s faced barbaric torture, and forced labour from both: the Algerian and Polisario military intelligence services. On April 2003, the France libertés foundation led an international mission of inquiry on the conditions of detention of Moroccan POW long held in the refugee camps in Algeria, the French foundation produced detailed accusations of torture, forced labour, arbitrary detentions, and summary executions of captured soldiers, that revealed the true nature of the Polisario front, which had long portrayed itself as a victim.

Allowing the sahraoui people to vote on a referendum seems like a simple solution, but the Polisario had insisted on restricting the voter lists locked that process into more than six years of fruitless discussion. The UN became aware of the fact that referendum is in practical terms impossible to carry out since sahraouis do not live only in

Morocco

, but also in

Algeria

,

Mauritania

, and

Mali

. This means simply that there should be a change of these countries borders, in order to organize a just and fair referendum, since the countries concerned would totally reject the idea, the general secretary of the UN confirmed that the organization of such referendum is impossible politically and technically.

Recognizing this deadlock, the UN shifted its approach to encouraging direct negotiations between

Morocco

and the Polisario.   Even if the idea of autonomy is not new, The Moroccan Proposal for substantial Autonomy is the first, and the only practical proposed framework for a political solution, and from it the two sides can craft a final agreement. It preserves Moroccan sovereignty, but gives the

Western Sahara

sufficient autonomy to become effectively self-governing. The project consists of giving

Western Sahara

a substantial autonomy within Moroccan sovereignty. According to the autonomy proposal sahraouis will have an elected regional parliament, with power over local policies in terms of management, and decisions, and president of a local government, the right to create local laws, as long as they do not contradict Morocco’s constitution, regional judiciary to rule regarding local laws, and control of local police, schools, economy, infrastructure, taxation and housing. The

Kingdom

of

Morocco

would control external defence and foreign relations, national judiciary, religious affairs, with King Mohamed VI as the highest religious authority.

The Moroccan proposal is an answer to the UN Security Council resolution and to the constant international community appeals for a political solution to the

Western Sahara

issue, as it is a fruit of national and international consultations. The King Mohamed VI supervised closely the process of drawing up such a proposal that guarantees peace, security, and stability in the region of North Africa on one hand, and gives the

Western Sahara

sufficient autonomy to become effectively self-governing on the other hand. The UN charter, the ultimate international jurisprudence stipulates that self-determination must take into account the territory integrity and unity, so autonomy remains one of the best solutions for self –determination, this type of substantial autonomy exists in the most highly developed countries across the world.

The philosophy behind the Moroccan proposal is that Sahraouis claims will be satisfied, and

Algeria

will keep its dignity, provided

Morocco

remains sovereign over its southern territories .

Although both Algeria and Polisario refused the Moroccan proposal,  before it was submitted to the UN, and even before finding out about the content of it .the secretary general personal former envoy for Sahara Van Walsum recognized ( in his press conference at the headquarter of the UN , after presenting his report to the  UN chief)  the role of Algeria in the conflict  “Algeria has in this whole dossier (Sahara issue) played an absolutely pre-eminent ,dominant role ever since1975”  this is the first time that a senior UN official dealing directly with the western Sahara issue that recognized explicitly in a diplomatic Worthing the extent of Algerians  direct involvement in the western Sahara dispute ,and even in the decision making on behalf of the separatist movement called Polisario while Algiers keeps insisting that “it is not a part in the conflict”.

The conflict impede the construction of the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA), hindering any form of agreement between the neighbouring countries, while keeping sahraoui families from returning home to live among their own .It also created a center of tension in the north west of Africa encouraged by the proliferation of human traffic, in particular in the form of clandestine immigration, weapons trafficking, drugs, the deviation of goods in the camps as well as the appearance of terrorism.

The UN charter, the ultimate international jurisprudence stipulates that self-determination must take into account the territory integrity and unity, so autonomy remains one of the best solutions for self –determination, this type of substantial autonomy exists in the most highly developed countries across the world

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                    THE LACK OF DEMOCRATY AND VIOLATION

OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN TINDOUF REFUGEE CAMPS

The lack of real democratic practices in the refugee camps in Tindouf reflects undoubtedly The manner of arbitrary arrest were carried out, according to “an independent committee of inquiry into allegations of violations of human rights, crimes, abuses and various other irregularities brought against the Polisario front” some victims were brought to the polisario’s administration complex at Rabouny, not far from Tindouf, or to the offices of the polisario military security. They were then transferred in secret to places of detention and torture, mainly to Rachid prison, known within sahraoui refugees as the black prison. Others were arrested at work, during their military training, or in their camps.generaly speaking the victims of arbitrary arrest were transferred to Rachid prison in early evening or at night, hands tied behind the back, eyes blindfolded or the whole face hooded to prevent recognition of their captors or the place they were being taken, at this particular stage detainees were not informed of the charges against them.

During the last three decades torture was used by the military services of the Polisario with the aim to forcing detainees to confess to being agents to foreign countries, or involved in any forms of conspiracy. According to the independent committee of inquiry into violations of human rights by the Polisario, it is in possession of a detailed list of 43 people who died under torture, or as a direct consequence of the ill-treatments suffered. This list needs to be completed, and up dated as the figure seems to be higher than what it is disclosed. A number of witnesses who fled to

Morocco

described the phenomenon of “summary executions” without any legal procedures, detainees who were spared from being executed, were not informed of their conviction or any charges. They were in most cases subject to forced labour, during the period of torture, prisoners could easily experienced days without food. Medical care is in practical terms inexistent.

THE DIVERSION OF HUMANITARIAN AID

Sahraoui refugees in the Tindouf camps depend on humanitarian aid donated by

Numerous UN organizations, in addition to international non-governmental

Organizations. It is believed and even proved that much of the humanitarian aid does

not reach the refugees, instead it is In most cases sold on the black market in

neighbouring countries by the Polisario. In this Respect the international community

have called in numerous occasions for the Implementation of a census, and an audit

system to make sure that the management of the Humanitarian aid is transparent. Both

Algeria

, and Polisario has refused to allow independent Oversight of its management of

humanitarian assistance. Important quantities of diverted International humanitarian

aid sent for refugees in Tindouf camps have been found on the Markets in

Algeria

, and

Mauritania, but also in Mali and Niger, some still in their original Packaging. The sums

recovered would be used to finance the front, and also its leader’s way Of life, at the

expense of sahraoui refugees. These diversions according to the report of the

US

Committee for refugees published in year 2000 “Humanitarian workers have reported

that more than 30% of the children from 5 to 12 years old were underfed, more than

70% of the Children of less than 5 years old suffered from anaemia”, in its 2001 report

the committee announced “more than 15000 children are in need of shoes”, and finally

in its 2003 report, its Said “some donors in private, have asked for a control of the

distribution of food to Make sure that the political and military leaders were not

diverting the aid”

HUMAN RIGHTS ASPECTS AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

  The Polisario is severely accused of human rights abuses : the detention, killing ,and the abuse treatment of Moroccan prisoners of war from late 70’s to 2006, other accusations are that a big number of sahraouis are kept in the Tindouf camps against their will, and do not enjoy freedom of expression. In a report published in 2003; Amnesty International concluded that “freedom of expression, association, and movement continued to be restricted in the camps controlled by the Polisario near Tindouf in south western

Algeria

”.

The Polisario remains a totalitarian military and political movement, with single party system, from inside the Polisario reports  are talking about more than 6000 sahraoui children, and adolescents are currently living in Cuba, in most of the cases against the will of their parents, and under the pretext of schooling, some of them are subject to obligatory military training.

A full and comprehensive report of an independent committee of inquiry into allegations of violation human rights, crimes ,abuses ,and various other irregularities brought against the Polisario front, was submitted to the special political and decolonisation committee (fourth committee) of the United Nations on the 4th of October 2006.This 40page documented report deals with the following aspects:

  • The condition of detention, the use of torture, the absence of even the minimum level of judicial process, malnutrition of prisoners, and the absence of medical care.

  • Forced labour , rape ,and The abdication of Moroccan citizens within the international recognized frontiers of

    Morocco

     

  • An education system more concerned with indoctrination than learning-Allegations of deportation of sahraoui children to

    Cuba

  • Allegations of misdirection of humanitarian aid by the leadership of the polisario 

  • The separation of families.

  Freedom of movement

To make sure that Sahraoui refugees, whether they are free or not to leave the camps in Tindouf Human rights Watch interviewed tens of Sahraouis , and asked them questions such as whether they used the official border crossing or took a clandestine route ; whether they told others of their plans or intended destination . according to the latest report of Human rights watch, of December, 2008, under the title “Human rights in western Sahara and the Tindouf refugee camps” former camp residents now living in western Sahara region confirmed that when they left the camps they concealed their ultimate destination, fearing that Polisario would block their departure if it became known"(human rights report , december , 2008) these same individuals for the most part said they kept their plans secret from others in the camps. They said they did so not only out of fear that the Polisario might prevent them from leaving, but also because the prevailing feeling in the camps is that is shameful to opt for life " under Moroccan occupation" "They taught us to hate Morocco from when we were young, that the Moroccans would torture and mistreat you" said a former Polisario official who left the camps by the end of 2006 and settled in Al-Ayoun , and this is how he left according to a statement he made to Human rights watch : " I left my wife , child, and six other relatives , in a truck . The owner of the truck is an officer in the security forces. When we reached the border post, he talked to the guards, and there was no problem; my parents and brothers are still in the camps, they have suffered no reprisals, because we left. The authorities came to my father and asked where i went, and he answered

Mauritania

, and that was it. (human rights watch interview, El –Ayoun, march 8, 2008 . The source asked to remain anonymous, fearing reprisals against family members who where still inn the refugee camps)

Hamra checkpoint, the main Algerian- Mauritanian border point, is a long drive on extremely difficult roads from the main cluster of refugee camps in Tindouf. Polisario and Algerian guards the checkpoint, registering the ID’s of drivers and passengers, sahraouis told  human rights watch, if the guards asked the reason for their travel, sahraouis leaving for Moroccan controlled areas have to lie, explaining that they were travelling to

Mauritania

to visit relatives or for other purposes. The guards then allowed them to pass. Some Sahraoui refugees in Tindouf said that they have to obtain an authorization from the Polisario leadership headquarters in Rabouni camp to leave only to Mauritania; others said they got the approval at the border, provided they mention that they are actually going for a visit to Mauritania.

Yeslim Ould Ismail Ould el-Melkhi, a pharmacist, who left the Tindouf camps in April 2007, put it this way: “ it is pretty chaotic situation in the camps . Everybody is preoccupied with trying to provide for his basic needs, if you want to leave, you just make the necessary arrangements, and you head for the Hamra checkpoint. You show your ID, they write your name down, and they let you pass. They understand the problems that people face in the camps. You must not tell them you are going to

Morocco

, but otherwise they do not care if you leave “(human rights watch interview with Yeslim ould el-Melkhi, foum el –oued , march 5, 2008)

Abdellah Mala’ainine, who left the camps for Morocco in 2006, also said that leaving was not hard, provided you keep being discreet about your destination: “you keep the fact that you might want to go to

Morocco

to yourself, otherwise you might be seen as inciting others” ( human rights watch interview with Abdullah Mala’ainine, El –Ayoun , march 5, 2008)

Another possible way to leave the Tindouf refugee camps is the UN –administered program of family visits. This program involves flying Sahraoui families from the

Western sahara

region to the Tindouf refugee camps and vice versa, for visits lasting five days. According to statistics provided by the UNHCR, the program arranged visits for 6638 sahraouis between its launch on March 2004 and October 3, 2008. Almost half of this total traveled from the Tindouf camps to the Moroccan –controlled territory, had chosen to remain rather than return, according to the UNHCR. (Human rights watch telephone interview with Sergio call- Norena, UNHCR chief of operators for the

Western Sahara

, may 9, 2008 . Calle- Norena left this post later 2008).

The process of defection from the Tindouf camps and rallying to Morocco started in practical terms at the end of the fighting, hundreds of sahraoui refugees have decided to leave Tindouf and to return to Morocco, among them political and military leaders, head of tribes, and hundreds of Polisario army officers of all levels. This situation, which is due in part to the failure to reach a settlement as well as the realities of the four refugee camps in the Tindouf area, has led to what many Sahraouis denounce as the concentration of power in thee hands of few political stagnation, and lack of transparency , freedom of speech and movement, in this respect the brother of El Ouali Ould Mustapha Sayed, the Polisario’s first secretary general expressed on 31 October 2006 serious misgivings about the current leadership : “ many sahraoui officials alongside of simple soldiers, fled to Morocco because they could no longer stand the chaotic, static, and unjust status quo …. Some even say that this exodus towards

Morocco

and other destinations suits the Polisario’s leadership and that, in some ways, they encourage it. This because the Polisario’s leadership refuses to change its practices, reviews its policies and positions, or responds to the totality or at least to the majority of its critic’s claims”( see “arretons l’hemorragie” at www.arso.org/opinions/baba Sayed38.htlm)

Due to the increasing number of Sahraoui refugees who decided to go back to

Morocco

after an over three decades of sufferings, and making use of the late king Hassan ii appeal “the homeland is clement and merciful”. Polisario has prevented the Sahraoui populations from fleeing the four Tindouf refugee camps, following an order issued by their leader Mohammed Abdelaziz, during November 2007. According to the European committee in charge of the Western Sahara issue, this blockade was ordered by Abdelaziz on the pretext that “if the return movement to

Morocco

continues at the current pace, the camps will be emptied”

Although the Polisario  is making sure that  no refugee is allowed to flee the Tindouf camps particularly to Morocco, it seems that the number has  increased over the five years or so , in this respect it is worth mentioning the following among others , as nearly one hundred  Sahraouis have returned  to Morocco during the last week of February 2008 to Morocco from Tindouf camps , three groups consisting of several persons that took part in Gjijimat congress held during December

2008 in

Tifariti region, in the Sahara, these refugees accompanied with 20 children, arrived in the border town of El Karkrat (

380 km

south of Dakhla), in response to the late Hassan ii call “ homeland clement and merciful”, convinced , according to their statements, that the Moroccan autonomy initiative in he region of the Sahara under Moroccan sovereignty offers promising prospects that meet the aspirations of the region’s people and the consecration of unity and development . Some of these of people expressed their joy and happiness to have returned to the motherland and their support to the autonomy project proposed by

Morocco

. They said that their return to the motherland is part of the renewal of their allegiance to his majesty king Mohammed vi ( a French- speaking daily “ aujourd’hui le Maroc” reported on Wednesday 27/12/2007)

The number of sahraoui political, military and tribe leaders in addition to hundreds of families who opted to regain Morocco is increasing; according to the Chairman of the royal advisory council for Saharan affairs Khali Hena Ould Errachid around six thousands sahraouis have regained Morocco. Reports coming on daily basis from the Tindouf refugee camps describe the deteriorating social and economic situations in addition to the lack of freedom of expression and movement , in this context the chairman of CORCAS made it clear that Morocco is determined to bring back home all refugees .(see:www.corcas.com)

Western sahara

and terrorism

 

In terms of the Salafi-Jihadists residing in the Maghreb and Sahel region, the prospects for peace in the

Western Sahara

are viewed as anathema to their goals. As long as

Algiers

and

Rabat

are at odds and

Morocco

is not a member of the African

Union

, these groups are able to traverse the region with near impunity.

Why Salafis Thrive on the Status Quo?

In October 2004, the African Union established its

African

Center

for the Study and Research on Terrorism in

Algiers

. In essence, this center is intended to serve as a medium for cooperation among all member states in the continent's fight against its endemic terrorist threat. Since its formation, however, the center has been plagued by a number of deficiencies, not the least of which is its inability to secure an individual to assume the directorship. Aside from the usual troubles the AU has in establishing such centres, the fundamental obstacle is membership. As Kurt Shillinger states, the center's effectiveness is contingent on its ability to build "strong cooperative ties between the center in

Algiers

and the key states where concerns about terrorism and capacity to respond converge… This requires resolving the conflict over Western Sahara in order to integrate

Morocco

—the only African state not in the AU—into continental counter-terrorism strategies" (Business Day (

Johannesburg

), October 7, 2005). 

The non-involvement of

Morocco

is excellent news to the Salafi insurgents operating in the

Sahel

. Not only is intelligence not being circulated among key interlocutors, such as

Algeria

and

Morocco

, but these same countries would remain unlikely collaborators in counter-terrorism operations. This point was underlined by U.S. Ambassador for Counter-Terrorism Henry Crumpton when he made a number of very poignant remarks toward the end of his February 2006 speech in Algiers, noting Morocco's absence from the AU and the crucial role the kingdom can play in helping resolve regional security issues. 

The

Madrid

commuter bombings may prove to be the single event that brings about the resolution to the

Western Sahara

issue. The attacks, perpetrated by North Africans residing in

Spain

raised awareness—both in

Spain

and

Morocco

—of the threat posed to

Spain

by North African Salafi-Jihadists. In response to this and the almost daily news reports of illegal North Africans migrating to

Spain

from the Western Sahara,

Madrid

will likely advocate a just and widely acceptable solution to help stabilize its southern border. 

   

Although close cooperation between

Algiers

and

Rabat

cannot be assumed initially, a widely acceptable

Western Sahara

resolution will significantly contribute to a thawing of relations between these two capitals. In any case, Maghrebi security is certain to be the primary beneficiary; with

Morocco

integrated into regional counter-terrorism operations and intelligence-sharing, Salafi-Jihadist groups will be faced with a united front. No longer will they be able to operate across the region's borders with impunity, or access weapons, finances and auxiliary personnel with the same level of ease.

Algeria and to a far lesser extent, Morocco were hard hit by waves of terror attacks carried out by AQIM, al-Qaida in the

Maghreb

. Developing and promoting stability and security in each country and enhancing prospects for greater political freedoms and broader economic growth will be a n important step towards the fight against terrorism .The issue of terrorism remains vital to the economic and development of the region's future to promote inter-Maghrebi cooperation, trade and unity. With some foresight the leaders of the region should seriously look into launching a '

Benelux

' type model that would permit the five countries to excel from trade, business, education and even defence.

In 1989 the Arab Maghreb

Union

(UMA) was created. However, it was frozen in 1994 as a result of diverging political views between

Morocco

and

Algeria

over the

Western Sahara

,

Based in neighbouring

Algeria

, the Polisario has been at the core of tense relations between the Algerians and the Moroccans. The need to resolve the conflict over the

Western Sahara

is the key to the door of regional cooperation, and the fight of terrorism which should be eradicated.

CONCLUSION

It is notable that many statements put forward by the report by the

Sahraoui journalists and writers union (UPES) that claim to be

Independent has no basis in history and international law. Therefore I

Would like to remind the members of the Sahraoui journalists and writers,

and particularly those who have written the answer to the report by the

Potomac

institute and John Hopkins the following:

1-      the Polisario can not be the sole and legitimate representative of Sahraouis , especially

if we take into account that two third of sahraouis live under Moroccan sovereignty and most of them fully support the substantial autonomy project . At the same time , some of those living as refugees in Tindouf, south west of Algeria back the autonomy seeing it a solution that guaranties political , economic and social rights of sahraouis

2-      Since the war brought about no solutions, the UN  tried to organize a referendum

Based upon identification. Nevertheless the UN became aware of the fact that the referendum is impossible to carry out since sahraouis do not live only in

Morocco

, but also in

Algeria

,

Mauritania

, and

Mali

. This means that they should be a change of these borders, in order to organize a just and fair referendum is impossible politically and technically.

3-      The Moroccan proposal meets international standards, transfers competences, and

Creates local institutions (legislative and executive) within the framework of Moroccan sovereignty, while leaving room for negotiations, it is notable that autonomy is an advanced form of self-determination

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20 mai 2009

Moroccan Sahara proposal enjoys increasing support, Sudanese paper

Moroccan Sahara proposal enjoys increasing support, Sudanese paper

5/6/2009

Morocco's stance on the Sahara issue has been boosted by the increasing international support for the Kingdom's autonomy proposal, said Sudanese paper "Al Rai Al'am".

In a article entitled "the majority of U.S. Congressmen call Obama to support the Moroccan autonomy proposal," the paper noted that the proposal enjoys strong worldwide support from parties that consider it "the ideal and appropriate solution" for a conflict that has long lasted.

   It also noted the current dynamic within the international community as well as the ongoing visits and initiatives in the region.

   The paper cited the letter addressed by some 229 American representatives, Democrats and Republicans, to President Barack Obama, in which they expressed their concern over the "increasing threats by Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups in North Africa."

   "This letter reiterates the historical  support of the Republican and Democratic parties within the Congress for the Moroccan proposal which was already backed by 173 Congressmen in a similar letter addressed to President Bush in 2007 ," the paper underlined.

   According to the Sudanese paper, the persistence of this issue has security-related fallouts” for the countries of the region with the proliferation of extremist groups, noting that the polisario is part of this as it has links with these groups, which causes fears in the northern bank of the Mediterranean and Western countries in general.

Source: MAP

19 mai 2009

PSOE member calls upon Algeria and Polisario to hold serene dialogue away from any fixed position

PSOE member calls upon Algeria and Polisario to hold serene dialogue away from any fixed position

5/18/2009

The work of the economic and social development promotion agency for the southern provinces (APDS) is "very positive," member of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), Juan Gabriel Callejon Baena, said here Friday.

During a meeting with APDS Director General, Ahmed Hajji, the Spanish deputy said that the actions of the Agency contribute efficiently to the development of the kingdom's southern provinces and to promoting investments in this region.

   Callejon, who is visiting Morocco at the head of a delegation composed of PSOE members and investors from Andalusia, stressed the importance of the presence of Spanish companies in Morocco. He underlined, in this context, the opportunities offered by the north African country in several areas, including agriculture and tourism.

   On his part, Hajji highlighted the achievements of the APDS since its launch on March 6, 2002, adding that the meeting was an opportunity for the delegation to realize the quality of the steps taken by Morocco to develop its southern provinces.

Source: MAP

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western sahara for autonomy
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